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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, once earned his living trading camels and gold. Currently, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces control nearly half of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a notable triumph by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining military stronghold in the Darfur area.

Feared and despised by his enemies, Hemedti is revered by his supporters for his tenacity and his pledge to tear down the discredited state.

Modest Origins

His background is humble. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that spans Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, as is common in remote regions, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and seeking better opportunities.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his early teens, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to neighboring countries.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, neglected by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjaweed raided villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's force was among them, implicated in attacking the village of Adwah in November 2004, killing 126 people, including 36 children.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become leader of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political organization.

At one point he rebelled, demanding unpaid salaries for his fighters, promotions, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Subsequently, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that defeated them, taking over Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his family company al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received official recognition as head of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and accepted a role to guard the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, marking the start of a strong alliance with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Recruits trekked to RSF enlistment offices for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti formed an alliance with the Russian Wagner organization, receiving training in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in gold.

His trip to Russia coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, raped women, and reportedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation started looking into military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti ousted the government and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround key bases in Khartoum. The attempted putsch was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

The UN estimates thousands of casualties, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

Hemedti's forces obtained modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, used to strike army positions and critical for the assault on el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a rival administration, the "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of inhabited territory west of the Nile.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into violations perpetrated by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible, he may become a political puppet master, controlling a vast network of interests.

While Hemedti's forces commit violence in el-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.